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What Is Populism?, by Jan-Werner Müller
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Donald Trump, Silvio Berlusconi, Marine Le Pen, Hugo Ch�vez—populists are on the rise across the globe. But what exactly is populism? Should everyone who criticizes Wall Street or Washington be called a populist? What precisely is the difference between right-wing and left-wing populism? Does populism bring government closer to the people or is it a threat to democracy? Who are "the people" anyway and who can speak in their name? These questions have never been more pressing.
In this groundbreaking volume, Jan-Werner M�ller argues that at populism's core is a rejection of pluralism. Populists will always claim that they and they alone represent the people and their true interests. M�ller also shows that, contrary to conventional wisdom, populists can govern on the basis of their claim to exclusive moral representation of the people: if populists have enough power, they will end up creating an authoritarian state that excludes all those not considered part of the proper "people." The book proposes a number of concrete strategies for how liberal democrats should best deal with populists and, in particular, how to counter their claims to speak exclusively for "the silent majority" or "the real people."
Analytical, accessible, and provocative, What Is Populism? is grounded in history and draws on examples from Latin America, Europe, and the United States to define the characteristics of populism and the deeper causes of its electoral successes in our time.
- Sales Rank: #22948 in Books
- Published on: 2016-08-22
- Original language: English
- Dimensions: 8.50" h x .44" w x 5.51" l, .0 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 136 pages
Review
"No one has written more insightfully and knowledgeably about Europe's recent democratic decay than Jan-Werner M�ller. Here M�ller confronts head on the key questions raised by the resurgence of populism globally. How is it different from other kinds of politics, why is it so dangerous, and how can it be overcome? M�ller's depiction of populism as democracy's antipluralist, moralistic shadow is masterful."—Dani Rodrik, Harvard University
"This is an exceptionally intelligent book about a notoriously slippery, yet essential, political concept. Jan-Werner M�ller's sweeping critique of populism will both instruct and challenge anyone who seeks to understand the roots and nature of the political conflicts that are roiling Europe and the United States."—Michael Kazin, author of The Populist Persuasion: An American History
"The most useful work to comprehend Trump's appeal is What Is Populism? (2016) by Princeton University political scientist Jan-Werner M�ller. In this essential book, M�ller defines populism's most salient characteristics—antielitism, antipluralism, exclusivity—and explains Trump and other populists through that framework. It is a quick read, and worth every page."—The Washington Post
"Populism is not just antiliberal, it is antidemocratic—the permanent shadow of representative politics. That's Jan-Werner M�ller's argument in this brilliant book. There is no better guide to the populist passions of the present."—Ivan Krastev, International New York Times
About the Author
Jan-Werner Muller is Professor of Politics at Princeton University. He is author of several books, most recently Contesting Democracy: Political Ideas in Twentieth Century Europe. He contributes regularly to London Review of Books, The Guardian, and The New York Review of Books.
Most helpful customer reviews
52 of 55 people found the following review helpful.
More dangerous than you might think
By A. J. Sutter
This is an excellent and insightful book. If you think there is some symmetry between the anti-elitist tones of the Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders 2016 US Presidential campaigns, this book will explain why that's an error. If you think that the Trump campaign, along with similar campaigns in European countries such as by the Front National in France, is articulating some valid and important "corrective" of the current purportedly democratic system, it will explain why that's an error too. And if you think populism is something that only right-wingers engage in, or that it will go back into hibernation in the US if Trump loses in November 2016 — or, for that matter, if he wins and joins the power elite (assuming, purely for the sake of argument, that he hasn't been a member of it all along) — well, you'll see why you're mistaken about that, too.
As described in the publisher's blurb shown above, an important theme of the book is that populism rejects pluralism. For the author (JWM) this is grounds for distinguishing it sharply from progressivism, notwithstanding that for historical reasons some in the US believe the two concepts are associated. (Europeans, who experienced the populist movements Nazism and Fascism (@93), are less prone to this confusion.) Nor is populism simply anti-elitism, a mistaken equivalence that's led some commentators, and Trump himself, to assert a commonality between Trump and Sanders. Rather, says JWM, populism is the conjunction of anti-elitism with an exclusionary notion of who "we the people" are. Though it's often right-wing, such as with 1960s segregationist Gov. George Wallace, Trump, and the French Le Pen political family, it can also appear on the left, as with Hugo Ch�vez in Venezuela.
A key feature of the populists' exclusionary claim is its moral character. "When running for office, populists portray their political competitors as part of the immoral, corrupt elite; when ruling, they refuse to recognize any opposition as legitimate. The populist logic also implies that whoever does not support populist parties might not be a proper part of the people …" (@3). The raison d'�tre of populism doesn't evaporate when populists are elected, since they can blame any setbacks or opposition on the elites struggling to hold onto power, or on the immoral fraction who aren't really part of the people. As the populist president of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, simply put it: "We're the people. Who are you?"
While not all identity politics is populist, populism is identity politics of a very totalizing sort. "Put simply, populists do not claim 'We are the 99 percent.' What they imply instead is 'We are the 100 percent.'" (@id.). As such, populism isn't a "corrective" to democracy, but a *danger* to democracy, since democracy requires "the recognition that we need to find fair terms of living together as free, equal, but also irreducibly diverse citizens" (@id.). JWM describes populism as the "shadow" of representative democracy (@20, 101), suggesting something dark and qualitatively different, but inseparable from the thing itself. Ironically, there's nonetheless some symmetry or "mirroring" between populism and many recent elected Western democratic administrations: if populism is the notion that there's only one authentic will of the people, many ostensibly liberal democratic governments are devoted to technocracy, the notion that there's only one correct policy solution (@97). It's interesting to apply JWM's observation to the Obama Administration, for example, which is determined to push ahead with Trans-Pacific Partnership despite widespread opposition in the electorate.
While the book will give you insight into the 2016 US election and into some major European elections yet to come, it won't necessarily make you feel more upbeat about them — probably the reverse. For one thing, the third chapter, entitled "How to Deal with Populists," is longer on negative advice (e.g., don't be exclusionary, like the populists themselves) than on affirmative suggestions, which boil down to "structural reform" to reduce inequality (see @98-99). For another, the book won't have much impact on the people who most need to digest its contents — the ones who are swayed by populism. Even though the text is less philosophical and more down-to-earth in tone than a German edition that preceded it (�Was ist Populismus? Ein Essay�, Suhrkamp 2016), it's still aimed way above a US general audience. Only the most intellectual Trump supporters might even consider engaging with this book, and most likely it wouldn't persuade them to change their minds anyway. And for their opponents, the book might make you feel like someone who's getting an explanation of the physics of house fires while watching your neighborhood burning: it's intellectually stimulating to understand the process, and you'll understand things you've observed, but per se it doesn't make you feel any less anxious or more empowered about the outcome.
The book is written in a clear style that's easy to follow. This US edition isn't exactly a translation but more of a shorter, complementary version of the German edition, released in April 2016. While there's a lot of overlap, much material has been cut, rearranged, redistributed or is entirely new. For example, whereas the German version concludes with a nuanced "summary in ten theses, with a word about the future of representative democracy" and ends on a definite, monitory note, Americans get simply a brief recap of the book in "seven theses on populism," closing with a list of further questions to be explored. The endnotes have also been trimmed back from about 190 in German to 150 here. Many references to European politics and particularly to German politics are missing, though the US version doesn't exile European topics entirely: e.g. the regime of Hungarian populist Viktor Orb�n frequently provides examples. On the other hand, the US version has more detailed discussion of Trump and some US political scientists, and if I'm not mistaken it adds a couple of pertinent new quotes, including a very disturbing one from Nazi constitutional theorist Carl Schmitt, and an interesting one from poet Paul Val�ry.
University presses aren't known for their speed, so praise to the publisher for bringing out this book so quickly: though published in September 2016, it mentions Trump speeches from May and the Brexit vote outcome from July of the same year. There are endnotes, but no index or reference list. It's especially stimulating to read this book during the current American campaign season, but whatever the outcome of the election, the book will remain an important guide for avoiding misconceptions about populism — and especially for learning how to recognize it for the unmitigated danger that it is.
14 of 14 people found the following review helpful.
Getting to Know Populism
By The Peripatetic Reader
In this a truly insightful book, author Jan-Werner provides a very cogent summation of the theory behind Populism. Jan-Werner takes past and recent examples of well-known Populists, and some who are not so well-known, from all corners of the globe, and fits them into the theoretical mechanics of this political movement. He doesn’t spend a whole lot of time for the factual support. When examples of Populists are cited, they are very brief; the separate populist movements themselves are not analyzed much, but are merely mentioned to support what he has to say about is Populism. But this is enough. This is primarily a book of political theory, and a very good one.
The result should be eye-opening, at least to the American reader. America (at least until very recently) has had a very good experience with Populism. A populist was one associated most often with the Agrarian movement, and usually progressive in political belief. Europeans have had a very different experience with Populists. After all, Hitler in Germany, Mussolini in Italy, and Franco in Spain, were all populists, and things didn’t turn out very well for them or the rest of the world. More recently, the noted populists include Le Pen in France, Putin in Russia, and Erodyan in Turkey. That kettle of fish is much different from the American variety. They however have one thing in common: They are speak for the people, who want to be heard; and they all consider themselves TO BE the people, even if honor is self-designated. Well, if that’s the case Richard Nixon was a populist. Jan-Werner cites Nixon’s “Silent Majority” as a brilliant, common, populist device which has been used by other populists, creating a lost, unheard, but mainly manufactured constituency who will rally behind the populist politician. This ploy was used to great effect in the 2016 Election, where Trump defined his supporters by railing against Moslems, Mexicans, liberals, and others. American voters took the bait, just as before them the German voters did with Hitler and Italian voters did with Mussolini, just to mention a few examples.
But who knows? After the 2016 Presidential elections maybe American experience will break the mold and the country will not descend to a more totalitarian version of democracy (Is that an oxymoron?). On the other hand, perhaps the current American experience will fall more in line with the European. Jan-Werner provides clues to look for but does not provide answers. Still, even a casual reading of his book will convince the reader that populism is the current political wave covering the political landscape throughout the world and it isn’t going anywhere soon. We all should get comfortable with the new political normal. This excellent book is a good way to understand this movement.
6 of 6 people found the following review helpful.
"The people" - do they include you?
By Mike Robbins
This is an important book. The year 2016 has seen the election of Donald Trump in the US, the Brexit vote in the UK, post-coup consolidation of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in Turkey and the near-election of Norbert Hofer in Austria. The year that follows will see bids for power by Marine Le Pen in France and Geert Wilders in The Netherlands. These people are widely dismissed as “populists”. But what does that even mean?
In his short new book What is Populism?, Jan-Werner M�ller, Professor of Politics at Princetown University, suggests we don’t have an answer to that question. He then supplies one. A populist, he states, is someone who claims to identify with “the people”. S/he rejects everyone else. How “the people” are defined is left conveniently vague, but it is made clear that everyone not fitting that description is an outlier, a deviant, or, worse of all, part of an unresponsive “elite” against which s/he is leading a popular rebellion. Thus their views need not be taken into account. The populist, says M�ller, is therefore inherently anti-pluralist – they cannot be a democrat. Yet they can present themselves as exactly that, through their claim to represent the popular base.
The first part of this definition – identification with something called “the people” – is not new, but M�ller presumably wouldn’t claim it was. What may break new ground is his suggestion that this identification makes the populist inherently anti-pluralist, because any definition of “the people” must exclude stakeholders in the polity that don’t meet it. Given the diversity of modern societies, it’s fair to guess that a big percentage of the people won’t be “the people”.
A quick glance at Trump and Britain’s Brexit advocate Nigel Farage suggests this is so. Trump actually didn’t win the popular vote in 2016, even though he won the electoral college; so his definition of “the people” may be missing a few “people”. As for Farage, the Brexit referendum was won 52-48%. Yet both men insist that “the people” have spoken. (After the November election, we were treated to the sight of these men celebrating their victory over “the elites” in a gold-plated lift at Trump Tower.)
Should we worry about populists? After all, a leader whose politics make no sense will be called out in the end. The trouble is that they can do a lot of damage first. One reason is that, as M�ller says, the populists can present themselves as democrats, although to him they are inherently not. “The danger is ...that [populism] promises to make good on democracy’s highest ideals (Let the people rule!). ...That the end result is a form of politics that is blatantly antidemocractic should trouble us all.” He supports this last point with a discussion of the way populist governments of the left and right have behaved in Hungary, Venezuela and Poland.
M�ller has less to say about the way we must react to populism. He does talk about the safeguards that have been built into European constitutions since the war, but says little about the ways in which democracy has been defined, and then protected from populist capture. He could for example have raised the “tyranny of the majority” arguments set out by the Founding Fathers and by John Stuart Mill, and set out the case for representative government. It may be that M�ller wished the book to be concise, with a precise focus; it explains and defines populism, and that is all it sought to do. But I believe that, having explained why populists can’t be pluralists, he could also have set out the ways one preserves pluralism.
What M�ller does do, is to demand that we confront, but also engage with, populism. “I reject the paternalistic liberal attitude [of] therapy for citizens ‘whose fears and anger have to be taken seriously’,” he says. But he also rejects exclusion of populists from debate, pointing out that this will simply support their contention that the “popular will” is excluded from the “system”. I think he is right on both counts.
I would prefer to have read more in this book about the constitutional pluralist structures that can protect us from populism. I would also have liked to see more analysis of why voters respond to populist leaders who clearly don’t have their best interests at heart. But M�ller has written widely on politics and government elsewhere, and perhaps these discussions would have blunted this concise, readable little book. M�ller’s main purpose was simply to define populism – and he has certainly done that.
Moreover his definition of populism as inherently anti-pluralist is a well-argued and elegant warning. As Trump apparently said in May 2016, “The only important thing is the unification of the people, because the other people don’t mean anything.” If you’re not sure you’re one of Trump’s “the people” (or Farage’s, or Wilders’s, or Erdoğan’s), the populist vision of democracy does not include you.
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